Jordan's political Pandora's box is open

Jordan's median age is 21 years old. Picture is from recent protest.

As Jordanians continue to show unwavering support for Arab revolutions through social media, the majority of commentators seem to stand a little short of calling for similar action in their own country, partly due to a culture of self-censorship and partly to what seems to be uncertainty in what a democratic makeshift would lead to. Meanwhile, King Abdullah, being leader supremo in the country called his shots, calling for immediate and "real" reform, but also standing short of enforcing anything in this regard. Some western media reported the recent government change in Jordan as a sign of change, disregarding the fact that Jordan has had dozens of government changes since its independence from British colonialists in the 1940s. Almost each government was asked to perform adequate "reforms," but never stayed long enough to see that such aspirations are implemented.

The leader also expressed his, and Jordanian citizens "dissatisfaction" with how reforms in the past have not lead to substantial change that meets the ambitions of young Jordanians. Instead they continued with centralizing an ever shrinking government service sector, widened national debt, and hoped for foreign direct investment to fill in the gaps. Even as investments poured into the country, a very small minority of Jordanians could feel the effect - partly because of elite personal agendas, a fierce, capitalist class segregation, and because of social factors - i.e. Jordanians refusing to do low-wage jobs.

Jordan's king has, not too long ago, said Jordan is undergoing a democratization process and expressed clearly that he does not think that the country is ready for a real democracy, yet. Meanwhile, the blame game has been abound- while officials put the blame on "directions from the top", the king is asking officials now to shoulder their responsibility, saying there's no such thing as "directions from the top."  As a leader, he seems to be concerned with the low performance of his appointed governments, while a weak elections law gives unwavering support to the establishment, regardless of who runs the show. Meanwhile, the opposition is old fashioned, ragged, and carry decades old slogans that do not fit for Jordanians 21st century aspirations.

Jordanians of all origins are worried. For once they are discussing the future of their country at homes, schools, workplaces and off record, with little discussion going on record on social media. Nevertheless, Pandora's box is now open - and what seemed to be totally bizarre ideas are now becoming options -- notions such as an elected government, and a renewed role for the King to be a constitutional monarch, European style, with an independent judiciary system.

Election law must be reformed to begin with- no doubt about it. A fair representation of men and women, Jordanians of all origins, must be ensured, if the establishment is serious about a plural and democratic progression. The aspired dialog is not a means to an end, it will be an ongoing process even as real democratic changes take place, if they ever do. Pandora's box, or national dialog, are not steered from the top, and will put all questions out for the mainstream to judge on. 

A nation does not become democratic in one day, but it requires a very brave and well deserved decision or revolution to begin the process. The time now is ripe for answers, when all questions are being raised.

First and foremost question: when will Jordanians, like fellow Arabs, be "ready" for democracy according to our appointed leaders?

Why should any Jordanian citizen be obliged to like the status quo, and obliged to love an establishment that s/he does not feel like a stakeholder in?

Why should I be stopped on the highway by a solider, to find out that he is my poor cousin from the north of Jordan whose reality is ultimately grim and shockingly different than mine due to class segregation?

Why should kids shut up when they are beaten or mobbed in schools, at homes, and by friends because they dared to speak their mind?

Why should travelling between Amman and refugee camp slums or provincial villages feels like travelling through ages of human development?

Who should bare responsibility, when supreme leaders blame the people they are accountable for, for their "incapability" to become "reformed"?

(insert your own question here).

How to start a revolution? - a 10 step guide inspired by Egypt and Tunisia

I attended the other day a panel discussion (recorded streaming) at the Swedish Institute organised by a civil society think tank called Sektor 3. The debate was on “How to start a revolution” in relation to what is happening now in the Arab world. I decided to blog all the points that the “experts” missed.

The 10 essential ingredients of starting a revolution (inspired by Egypt and Tunisia):

1 – Generation gap: The Arab world’s population is undergoing a big generational shift. More than 60% of the population are under the age of 25. They are getting connected; internet and mobile penetration growth is faster in this region than any other place in the world.

2- General frustration: Power structures in the Arab world today are a by product of colonialization, who were fed from both sides during the Cold War, and continued to enjoy undeserved support during the “terrorism era,” aka the past 10 years. Young people in the Arab world have felt the betrayal by their leaders and the world at large since they were born and throughout their upbringing. The fact remains that leaders in the Arab world cannot deliver anymore what they are paid to – they cannot secure international interests in the region, and they cannot deliver for local ambitions. Everyone is frustrated with the power structures.

3- Creativity: Opposition in the Arab world is mostly tight knitted to the power structures – at least in its bureaucratic form. They can push papers around, reuse old banners and slogans that do not fit for a 21 century society. To start a revolution, we have to look outside the current opposition formats in the Arab world, and seek to reform the opposition just as much as the power structures. New ideas are therefore needed. Clusters of unorganised, but networking anti-establishment activists have succeeded in driving the revolution in Egypt and Tunisia. The establishment will now try to turn them into bureaucrats – as Theodore Rozsak suggests in his book, and my revolutionary bible: “The making of a counter-culture: reflections on the technocratic society.”

4- Thinking beyond borders: As is the case with other ingredients – nations in the Arab world are a by-product of colonization. What is Jordanian civilization, or Libyan or Iraqi? Apart from Egypt and possibly Iran, the rest of the regions civilization history has been going through phases of unity and isolation. Arab young people see that there’s a need to reconnect with other Arabs outside their own region, and sometimes, when internet goes down, with others abroad. We have to think outside our borders. South Koreans just balloons to North Korea carrying flyers about the news from Egypt.

 

5- Remember Ghandi: No violence (unless in self defence). First they will ignore you, then laugh at you, and then they will fight you, then you will win (or they will join you)…. Enough public mobilisation of peaceful demonstrators can outtake any fascist dictator guard. Beware of the Army though, the Army is the Joker in this game, they are guilty until proven innocent.

6 – Mobilize: mobilize, mobilize: Social networking is beyond twitter and facebook; it is beyond all mass media. It takes place across all society structures: in the family, at the work place, in educational institutions, in the neighbourhood, down the street. Use face to face interaction; do not just depend on electronic media, mobile phones, etc.

7- Belief. Believe in a better world – a world of equal opportunities for young, old, men, women, across societal classes. We’re all brothers and sisters, and we all deserve a chance to be equal stakeholders in managing our lives, in owning our minds and bodies.

8- Dress properly: When going to a demonstration, wear running shoes if you have them. Take a scarf to cover your mouth and nose to minimize the effects of tear gas. Carry water, something to eat, and warm clothes if you have to spend the night outside. Do not worry about your looks; you look pretty hot when you’re leading a revolution.

9- Stick together. Help your fellow brothers and sisters with all you can. Build road blocks together, protect one another, and carry each other to safety. Doctors can nurse the wounded, for example. Muslim, Christian, secular, gay, straight, queer, young, old, poor, rich, all that doesn’t matter, we’re creating a world for all of us together, and all are of the same worth.

10 – The PR Campaign: Egyptians and Tunisians have been excellent in driving an unorganised PR campaign and managed to win the hearts and the minds of the world, and inspire people to stand up for their own even outside the region: from Gabon to Albania, Kazakhstan to Italy. The way to do this is to post online: make songs, put out videos of what happens on the street, twitter, start facebook campaigns, blog about it, and write to the media making yourself available for interviews and correcting media mistakes when they take place. Apologise for the bad actions of a few that could  disturb the good image your protest is getting abroad.

Arab revolutionists must not forget Arab women

The ongoing winds of change blowing in Arabia have not only reshaped the regions political ambitions, but mostly reinstated social unity. Observers have marveled at how young and old, men and women of all classes and beliefs are standing and calling for equal rights.

I say marveled because this is merely a politically organised campaign. It is rather a break from the image of social divisions that western media and patriarchal, ogliarchal, dictators have instilled in the Arab peoples' minds.

For many generations, the social structures in the Arab world have been weakened, where religious tolerance became division, gender equality became discrimination, and social security became poverty and lack of adequate services for children and the elderly. The workers movement died and became controlled by religious fanatics in countries like Jordan. In the aftermath of the revolutions that toppled the dictators of Tunis and Egypt - the role of social (media) activists behind those movements and beyond is to ensure that the demands they called for are met.

The ambitions in Egypt and Tunisia have been higher than those in Jordan or Algeria. Although all demonstrators across the region have similar calls for freedom of assembly, political organisation, free media, free expression, and fair and free elections - the reality remains that no one has taken up calling for equal rights for women.

My first visit to Cairo was to attend a UNIFEM conference on the right (or lack thereof) of citizenship for Arab women. The conference took place at Semir Amis hotel by the Tahrir Square. Memories of that 2005 conference echoed in my head as I shouted "Down with Husni Mubarak" at both my computer and TV high definition screens. I marvelled how women in Tahrir square were saying they never felt more secure in Cairo - no harassment - there was the real arab social structure - brothers and sisters protecting their collective interest equally.

Yet this has not translated into the demands of the protesters - although "fair elections" and "free political organisations" will give women in Egypt a better foundation for their movements and rights, this has to be guaranteed some how.

We have seen public display of affection on the Arab street, let us keep it going. I expect that we should not abandon our mothers, sisters, daughters, and friends and high-jack the revolution - the way Islamists in Jordan are doing (in a recent protests, they exchanged the picture of a dead Egyptian protesting woman with a bearded man on one of the signs raised).

Call for equal rights to citizenship for Arab women. Equal rights to work and education. Call for the right of women to feel secure wherever she is. Call for punishment of sexual molesters. Call for equal divorce rights, for equal fostering rights, for equal marriage rights, for the right of people to own their own bodies, minds and future.

Call for equal human rights. Now! 

How media failed in covering the Arab revolution(s)

Less than five minutes after Egyptian President Husni Mubarak announced he was not running for presidency in the next September elections -- CNNs main headline changed to "A future with the Muslim Brotherhood." A couple of days later, the Muslim Brotherhood announced it does not aspire to put a man on top, and distanced itself from leading the revolution into an Iran-like Islamic takeover.

A painting from 1500s baring stark resemblance to a recent Cairo scene.

The revolution tsunami sweeping across the Arab world is everything but Islamic. It is more to do with demographics and opportunity, than idiology. More than 250 million in the Arab world are under the age of 25 - and the number is rapidly increasing. Jobs and opportunities for self achievement are far from enough to ensure a decent future for these millions. Many of those leading the calls for revolution are internet savvy, well educated and rather secular, connected, young people - straight, gay, muslims, christians, different varieties from one middle class - before their calls were adopted by richer and poorer classes. 

"I feel sorry for my own existance. I am university educated and working on a black taxi in Sharm el Sheikh, because a normal job barely pays for food. I really do not have hope, it is a very pathetic situation,"

this is what a taxi driver told me in Sharm el Sheikh, about 4 weeks before the protests erupted in Cairo.

CNN could not have been more wrong - despite excellent efforts througout its different programmes to analyse the political turmoil - they failed to provide a deeper analysis beyond the delicacy of the White House's take on things. They often described US officials as if they "managed excellently not to say anything" as they themselves did the same.

Their biggest miss was double fold - the loss of veteran Middle East correspondent Christiane Amanpour to ABC News, and the take over of Hala Gorani. Hala managed to interview Egyptian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ahmad Abou Al Ghait. She asked the right questions, why doesn't Mr Mubarak succumb to the will of his people? and why did not the Egyptian government condemn attacks on journalsts?



Abou Al Ghait managed excellently not to answer the first question, and she failed miserably when she did not pose the question again. CNN did not even broadcast the answer to the second question. Amanpour on the other hand, interviewed Mr Mubarak himself when she was in the palace to interview his newly appointed Vice President Mr Omar Sulieman.



As seen in the above clip, no live interview with Mr Mubarak was broadcasted - instead she reported over still photos of her and Mr Mubarak sharing laughs at the palace. She said "he honestly believes he's done many great things for Egypt - he is a proud old man." Is he even fit for presidency at his age, or is the future of millions of egyptians stuck in the head of a stubborn aged man? Anyhow, Amanpour's report was excellent, it reshaped the media agenda - all news outlets led with "Mubarak wants to leave power, but he think Egypt will be in chaos."

What amanpour lacked, is a deep follow up conversation with her ABC colleague - the kind of exchange she would have had if she was still with CNN. Gorani on the other hand, had a chance to follow up on Amanpours interview, but failed miserably.

Apart from American media, Aljazeera's viewer rate was increased by 2500% during the past few days. It provided updates round the clock, even at the risk of putting out contradicting figures and misspelled words. One example is the rolling breaking news bar on the Arabic service, which at one point repoted 100,000 demonstrators in Tahrir square, and the next line saying there were 120,000.

Twitter-like, minute for minute updates were a new comer in global media coverage. Al jazeera English, BBC and Swedish news sites like SVT and SVD were publishing updates minutes-by-minutes. Some updates became headline, even misleading at some point - like the Swedish Radio's main headline claim: The Army switches to the people's side. Where it still, to this day, unknown where the Army has its allegiances. The Swedish Radio later led with "Rumors and conspiracy theories are wide spread in Egypt," -- probably one of the most accurate, although grey, headlines in this whole charade.

All in all - the prize for best live reporting goes undoubtedly to Aljazeera. Whereas the prize for mind-opening, deep analysis goes to the Guradian. In any case, the revolution was not properly televised. Social media killed the TV star: it made politicians and mass media alike more honest, but keeps them lagging behind.

The truth is as complex as ever, it just became faster.